SOLUTION: GCU How Did President Carter Attempt to Address the Misery Index Discussion

I am including the original discussion topic along with 6 student responses, 3 for topic 1 and 3 for topic
2. You will need to respond to the student responses to the discussion post. Responses do not really
have a word count minimum; they just need to be substantial. Please put any references used at the
bottom of each response.
Topic 6 DQ 1
How did President Carter attempt to address the “misery index? Were the policies he
implemented to address the “misery index” effective? Justify your response.
Student Responses.
Response #1 by Heather
Hello Everyone,
During the time when President Carter took office, he faced challenges of inflation rates at 6%
and unemployment rates at 8% however, attempting to stimulate the economy he had an
opportunity to solve these serious economic problems and calling it the misery index and
promised to take action in reducing it. He attempted to implement the Keynesian Priming
programs by growing the economy by using federal money and congress then enacted 6$ billion
local public works bill, 8$ billion public service jobs bill tax cuts and an increase in the
minimum wage (“Moving on: The American people since 1945”.2013) which worked in the
short run. To put an end to energy crisis, President Carter incorporated energy conservation
measures such as the automobile mileage standards to restrict the Railroad industries, trucking,
and airline (“How Carter Created Jobs, Fought Stagflation, and Brokered World Peace”.2019)
and in result, Carter created the Department of Energy to prevent future energy crisis. He also
increased the payroll taxes to keep Social Security from going bankrupt and raising minimum
wage to increase payroll tac revenues (“How Carter Created Jobs, Fought Stagflation, and
Brokered World Peace”.2019).
Have a wonderful day,
Heather
References
“How Carter Created Jobs, Fought Stagflation, and Brokered World Peace.” The Balance.
2019. https://www.thebalance.com/president-jimmy-carter-s-economic-policies-4586571.
Moss, G., & Thomas, E. (2013). “Moving on: The American people since 1945” (5th ed.).
Boston, MA: Pearson Education, 2013. ISBN-13: 9780205880768 http://gcumedia.com/digitalresources/pearson/2012/moving-on_the-american-people-since-1945_ebook_5e.php
Response #2 by Marycruz
When Carter became President Inflation was at 6% and the unemployment rate was at 8%. The
war President Carter tried to stimulate the economy was by implementing traditional Keynesian
“pump priming” programs: “Growing the economy by pumping federal money into it via public
works projects. Congress enacted a $6 billion local public works bill, an $8 billion public service
jobs bill, tax cuts, and an increase in the minimum wage. Unemployment declined to 6 percent in
two years” (Moss & Thomas, 2013). However, instead of dropping the unemployment what this
did was drive up the inflation rate up to 10% in 1978, 12% by 1979 and 13% by 1980. This
caused Carter to change his economic focus and end the Keynesian era by appointing Paul
Volker to head the Federal Reserve; this in turn led to an even higher increase in unemployment.
“Up to 1968, the American economy had been the most productive in the world; by 1980, it had
slipped to the twentieth place” (Moss & Thomas, 2013). In my opinion the policies that Carter
used to address the “misery index” were not effective. His policies increased the unemployment
rate, the economic growth slowed to a recessionary crawl which in turn placed the American
economy to the twentieth place.
Moss, G., & Thomas, E. (2013). Moving on: The American people since 1945 (5th ed.). Boston,
MA: Pearson Education, 2013. ISBN-13: 9780205880768 http://gcumedia.com/digitalresources/pearson/2012/moving-on_the-american-people-since-1945_ebook_5e.php
Response #3 by Rammie
President Carter attempted to address the “misery index” by trying to help the economy grow
through federal money. He also strived to lesson the unemployment by applying the programs
called the Keynesian priming programs. By using some public works programs he tried to
increase the economy (Moss & Thomas, 2013). President Jimmy Carter”s policies were not
effective. His policies tried to provide more jobs and address the unemployment. Congress tried
to help by increasing minimum wage and issuing tax cuts. However, although the policies did
reduce unemployment, inflation was on the rise (Moss & Thomas, 2013). By 1980, President
Carter had to change his policies by increasing interest rates to the highest they had ever
been. Unemployment increased and the economy was in a recession (Moss & Thomas, 2013).
Reference
Moss, G., & Thomas, E., (2013). Moving on: The American people since 1945, (5th
Edition). Boston, MA: Pearson Education, 2013. ISBN-13: 9780205880768
https://www.gcumedia.com/digital-resources/pearson/2012/moving-on_the-american-peoplesince-1945_ebook_5e.php
Topic 6 DQ 2
Describe the changes that occurred with the various religious communities of American society during the 1970s;
be sure to include the Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant faiths. How did these changes contribute to the rise of the
political right?
Student Responses.
Response #1 by Felisa
Hello instructor Watson and Class
Reading chapter 13, there were many changes that occurred with various communities of the
American society during the 1970s. In the Western World, the United States (U.S.) were known
to be the most religious country. It had a combination of many types of religions. One
Presbyterian minister who moved to the U.S., name Sun Myung Moon, created by Korean
businessman along with Moon, started his own brand of religion, even though Sun Myung
movement was somewhat awkward, he called himself the son of God.
During that time nearly 60 percent of Americans were memebers of different churches and even
more numbers had faith in God. The liberal Protestant Churches were more than welcome with
divorce, homosexuality, women taking birth control, and women of the priests. Middle class
Catholics accepted the changes, although some Traditionalists didn’t agree and felt betrayed by
the changes that were happening. There were Evengelical Christians that made sure each
individual understood their personal leadership and what they believed in. Worship was
expressed in English and there was singing of hymns during the services after the Vatican II,
which also gave many priest freedom to expressed their interpretation of the Bible during
services.
Felisa
Response #2 by Nathan
In the 1970’s conservative white Protestants came to rise contributing to the rise of the political
right1. These conservatives denounced affirmative action programs, equal opportunity programs
and rights that protected gays and lesbians1. One of the largest issues that the conservatives
became outraged about was Roe V. Wade. Which granted women the right to an abortion during
the first trimester of pregnancy since many conservatives were Pro Life. Groups such as
Evangelicals opposed Equal Rights as they opposed feminist demands and initiated a war on
pornography as well as believing homosexuality was a sin1. Catholics who typically align
themselves with the democratic party now had to take a more hardline stance with all the
changes in law and policies as traditional ways were being challenged.
Reference:
Moss, G., & Thomas, E. (2013). Moving on: The American people since 1945 (5th ed.). Boston,
MA: Pearson Education, 2013. ISBN-13: 9780205880768. Retrieved from
http://gcumedia.com/digital-resources/pearson/2012/moving-on_the-american-people-since1945_ebook_5e.php
Response #3 by Heather
Hello Everyone,
Going into the 1970s, the United States was one of the most religious nations in the western
world, and about 60% of the population were church goers. There were many religious changes
during this time and adjusted the way some individuals lived. Reformed Jews started to become
more accepting such as divorce, homosexuality, birth control and women clergy (“Moving on:
The American people since 1945”. 2013). American Catholics focused on continuing the
consequences of Vatican II as a way to bring the church more in tuned with modern life and after
Vatican II, the liturgy was given in English while the laity sang hymns (“Moving on: The
American people since 1945”. 2013). Catholics bishops also spoke out against nuclear war and
urged in disarming, but they recognized the legitimacy of non-Catholic and non-Christian faiths
and condemned anti-Semitism (“Moving on: The American people since 1945”. 2013).
Christians were also growing in members and emphasized their responsibility as an individual,
there was millions of Christian school goers and was even Christian nightclubs and radio stations
own by evangelical Christians.
Have a wonderful day,
Heather
References
Moss, G., & Thomas, E. (2013). “Moving on: The American people since 1945” (5th ed.).
Boston, MA: Pearson Education, 2013. ISBN-13: 9780205880768 http://gcumedia.com/digitalresources/pearson/2012/moving-on_the-american-people-since-1945_ebook_5e.php
8/5/2020
Informal Remarks in Guam With Newsmen | The American Presidency Project
The American Presidency Project
(https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/)
RICHARD NIXON
(/PEOPLE/PRESIDENT/RICHA
RD-NIXON)
Informal Remarks in Guam
With Newsmen
July 25, 1969
THE PRESIDENT. [1.] As Ron Ziegler [Press Secretary] has already told you,
the remarks today will be for attribution but not direct quotation, and for
background. 1
1
The text of these remarks was later released for publication in this
volume.
For your further information in that respect, Marshall Green [Assistant
Secretary of State for East Asian and Paci c A airs] will brief the members
of the press who desire to have background on the Philippines and
Indonesia. He will be with us through those two stops. For the balance of
the stops, Henry Kissinger will be available to brief you if you desire him to
do so.
Insofar as the plans are concerned, there are no changes in schedule to
announce; I have seen some speculation about changes in schedule. I have
no present plans to go to Vietnam. I should say, however, that Ambassador
Bunker2 will be coming to Bangkok along with the Ambassadors from the
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other Asian countries that we will not be visiting, and I intend to have a
conversation with him there which will be apart from the conversation I will
have with the other Ambassadors on the general situation in the area.
2
Ellsworth Bunker, U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Vietnam.
There is also a possibility that General Abrams will be able to come over
with Ambassador Bunker to Bangkok for that meeting.
UNITED STATES ROLE IN ASIA
[2.] Now, insofar as this phase of the trip is concerned, and I will speak rst
to the Asian phase and then later and brie y to the Romanian phase, I think
that the backgrounder that you have already had from Henry Kissinger and
the general statements that have been made from the State Department
have covered it pretty well. I think what would be of greatest interest to you
before we go to your questions is to give you the perspective that I have
with regard to Asia and America’s role in Asia.
As you know, my background here goes back a few years. It was in 1953
that I rst visited this area. That trip was very extensive, with the usual 4
days in each country, a so-called state visit in each country. It provided an
opportunity to meet the leaders, but more than that to know the countries
in a very e ective way.
In the 16 years that have passed, however, since that time, the changes
have been very dramatic. I have returned to Asia, as you know, on a
number of occasions since then, and particularly to the countries that we
will be visiting on this trip. Consequently, I have kept up with later
developments and also, with the exception of President Yahya [Gen. Agha
Muhammad Yahya Khan] in Pakistan, I know each of the Asian leaders that
I will be meeting and will be able to speak to them from that background.
Insofar as the general purpose of a trip like this, I can understand some of
the speculation to the e ect that: Why does a President of the United
States think he learns anything by spending 1 day each in an Asian country-or, for that matter, as we did earlier, in a European country?
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The answer is, and I might indicate what will be my general policy for the
balance of my service in the White House, that I think a 1-day trip is just as
valuable as 4 days. In other words, if you take a 1-day trip, and concentrate,
as I do, on very little protocol and a great deal of face-to-face conversation,
an individual, in meeting the leader of the other country, will gain as much
as if he stretches it out over a period of 4 days. I have been through both
experiences and, therefore, am somewhat knowledgeable in that respect.
I feel, too, that when one considers the time that is available to a President
in these periods, that it is essential, in order to cover all the ground that
needs to be covered, to limit, rst, the amount of travel and the amount of
time that is taken for each one of the stops. I mention that only as some of
the reasoning that has gone into my decision with regard to covering a
great deal of ground in a very short period of time–in this case, going
around the world and, in the space of about 8 days, after the moon shot,
covering a number of countries.
Now, insofar as the individuals are concerned, having met all of these
leaders previously, I suppose the question could be raised, and with good
reason, that once you know a leader then contact with ambassadors would
be su cient. However, I have found it in my previous travels in Asia, and in
Europe as well, that as these situations change it is vitally important to have
a renewed contact with the leader in each of the countries involved, a
renewed contact because his attitudes may change. And in that way, when I
read, as I do read day after day, the cables that come in from all over the
world, I can have a much better understanding of what those cables mean,
the nuances, if I have more recently had a direct contact, faceto-face, with
the individual involved, the individual leader involved.
That is one of the reasons why I am a great believer in visits of this sort,
where they are consistent with and can be taken at a time that will t in
with other very demanding parts of our schedule.
Now, a word about what is a very consuming interest in Asia. A consuming
interest, I say, because it is one that I have had for a number of years, and
one that now, as I look at the perspective of history, becomes even more
imperative.
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The United States is going to be facing, we hope before too long–no one
can say how long, but before too long–a major decision: What will be its
role in Asia and in the Paci c after the end of the war in Vietnam? We will
be facing that decision, but also the Asian nations will be wondering about
what that decision is.
When I talked to Prime Minister Gorton [of Australia], for example, he
indicated, in the conversations he had had with a number of Asian leaders,
they all wondered whether the United States, because of its frustration
over the war in Vietnam, because of its earlier frustration over the war in
Korea–whether the United States would continue to play a signi cant role
in Asia, or whether the United States, like the French before, and then the
British, and, of course, the Dutch–whether we would withdraw from the
Paci c and play a minor role.
This is a decision that will have to be made, of course, as the war comes to
an end. But the time to develop the thinking which will go into that decision
is now. I think that one of the weaknesses in American foreign policy is that
too often we react rather precipitately to events as they occur. We fail to
have the perspective and the long-range view which is essential for a policy
that will be viable.
As I see it, even though the war in Vietnam has been, as we all know, a
terribly frustrating one, and, as a result of that frustration, even though
there would be a tendency for many Americans to say, “After we are
through with that, let’s not become involved in Asia,” I am convinced that
the way to avoid becoming involved in another war in Asia is for the United
States to continue to play a signi cant role.
I think the way that we could become involved would be to attempt
withdrawal, because, whether we like it or not, geography makes us a
Paci c power. And when we consider, for example, that Indonesia at its
closest point is only 14 miles from the Philippines, when we consider that
Guam, where we are presently standing, of course, is in the heart of Asia,
when we consider the interests of the whole Paci c as they relate to Alaska
and Hawaii, we can all realize this.
Also, as we look over the historical perspective, while World War II began in
Europe, for the United States it began in the Paci c. It came from Asia. The
Korean war came from Asia. The Vietnamese war came from Asia.
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So, as we consider our past history, the United States involvement in war so
often has been tied to our Paci c policy, or our lack of a Paci c policy, as
the case might be.
As we look at Asia today, we see that the major world power which adopts
a very aggressive attitude and a belligerent attitude in its foreign policy,
Communist China, of course, is in Asia, and we nd that the two minor
world powers–minor, although they do have signi cant strength as we
have learned–that most greatly threaten the peace of the world, that adopt
the most belligerent foreign policy, are in Asia, North Korea and, of course,
North Vietnam.
When we consider those factors we, I think, realize that if we are thinking
down the road, down the long road–not just 4 years, 5 years, but 10, 15 or
20—that if we are going to have peace in the world, that potentially the
greatest threat to that peace will be in the Paci c.
I do not mean to suggest that the Mideast is not a potential threat to the
peace of the world and that there are not problems in Latin America that
concern us, or in Africa and, of course, over it all, we see the great potential
con ict between the United States and the Soviet Union, the East-West
con ict between the two super powers.
But as far as those other areas are concerned, the possibility of nding
some kind of solution, I think, is potentially greater than it is in the Asian
area.
Pursuing that line of reasoning a bit further then, I would like to put it in a
more positive sense: When we look at the problems in Asia, the threat to
peace that is presented by the growing power of Communist China, the
belligerence of North Korea and North Vietnam, we should not let that
obscure the great promise that is here.
As I have often said, the fastest rate of growth in the world is occurring in
non-Communist Asia. Japan, in the last 10 years, has tripled its GNP [gross
national product]; South Korea has doubled its GNP; Taiwan has doubled
its GNP; Thailand has doubled its GNP. The same is true of Singapore and
of Malaysia.
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The record in some of the other countries is not as impressive. But consider
the Philippines where there are very grave …
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